From d2da853b9eb430679e7238b93996f8e4651a39c1 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: uakci 9.3 Morpho-Semantic Considerations
-
@@ -107,7 +107,7 @@
9.4 The Carrier
+ 9.4 The âCarrierâ
Root
+ He) is angry because he lost his keys, âBillâ (or âheâ)
+ is the topic, âis angry because he lost his keysâ is the comment,
+ and âhe lost his keysâ is the focus.
We have already seen the extreme to which Ithkuil marks semantic roles morphologically as opposed to syntactically. And since grammatial relations @@ -164,7 +164,7 @@
The highly inflected nature of Ithkuil morphology allows the order of words within a sentence to be quite flexible. Nevertheless, two neutral - or default patterns exist, one for main clauses, the other for + or âdefaultâ patterns exist, one for main clauses, the other for case frames.
ERGATIVE
@@ -225,7 +225,7 @@
adjuncts, then any secondary nouns, followed by any transrelative nouns with
the highest-order transrelative noun or any personal reference adjunct in final
position within the case-frame. Additionally, the last noun within the case-frame
- will usually take one of the V1
+ will usually take one of the âV1â
suffixes (see Sec. 7.7.13)
signifying the end of the case-frame unless this is clear without the suffix
(e.g., because the case-frame is in sentence-final position).
When ordering such phonaesthetically-induced adjuncts, it is important that they can be easily associated with the formative to which they @@ -287,25 +287,25 @@ understanding of what is being described, i.e., the order of the words themselves reflects information about how we are to understand the utterance. Such a phenomenon is known as iconicity. In English and other Western languages, - the most common way in which iconicity is manifested is what is termed sequential - order iconicity, the idea that the actual sequential order of words in + the most common way in which iconicity is manifested is what is termed âsequential + order iconicity,â the idea that the actual sequential order of words in a phrase or sentence reflects the sequential order of the events they describe. - For example, the phrases eye it, try it, buy it, I came, - I saw, I conquered, or dine and dash describe sequential + For example, the phrases âeye it, try it, buy it,â âI came, + I saw, I conquered,â or âdine and dashâ describe sequential events where the sequence of the words reflect the sequence of the events. What is most important is that re-ordering of the words either changes the meaning - of the phrase or leads to semantic nonsense, e.g., buy it, eye it, try - it implies that a different sequence of events actually takes place than - eye it, try it, buy it. This can be more dramatically illustrated + of the phrase or leads to semantic nonsense, e.g., âbuy it, eye it, try + itâ implies that a different sequence of events actually takes place than + âeye it, try it, buy it.â This can be more dramatically illustrated with the following pair of sentences.
-1) Jane got married and had a baby.
2) Jane had a baby and got married.
In English, the ambiguous word and is interpreted - as connecting a sequence of events, i.e., and is interpreted to - mean sequential then (= and following that, then - next or then later). As a result, the meanings of the two +
In English, the ambiguous word âandâ is interpreted + as connecting a sequence of events, i.e., âandâ is interpreted to + mean sequential âthenâ (= âand following that,â âthen + nextâ or âthen laterâ). As a result, the meanings of the two sentences imply very different social interpretations about Jane.
Besides the reflection of sequential order, other types of word-order iconicity are possible. For example, compare the subtle difference @@ -319,8 +319,8 @@ painted before. In the second sentence, not only do we know what color the fence had been, but also that it was not previously unpainted, however, we do not necessarily know what its new color is. This sort of iconicity is used to convey - a resultative state of affairs, i.e., by placing the adjective white - after the word fence (seemingly in violation of the usual adjective-before-noun + a resultative state of affairs, i.e., by placing the adjective âwhiteâ + after the word âfenceâ (seemingly in violation of the usual adjective-before-noun word order used in English), we describe a resulting state of affairs.
Yet another type of word-order iconicity is displayed in comparing the following two sentences.
@@ -329,21 +329,21 @@ 6) Loretta gave a wedding gift to Sue.Most grammar textbooks would state that these two sentences - are semantically equivalent, the first employing a ditransitive - pattern (i.e., juxtaposing an indirect object Sue with a direct - object wedding gift), while the second uses a complement + are semantically equivalent, the first employing a âditransitiveâ + pattern (i.e., juxtaposing an indirect object âSueâ with a direct + object âwedding giftâ), while the second uses a âcomplementâ pattern in which the indirect object follows the direct object and is changed - to a prepositional phrase using to. However, there is a subtle + to a prepositional phrase using âto.â However, there is a subtle semantic distinction between the two sentences. The first strongly implies that the wedding gift is for Sue, i.e., Sue is the bride and intended recipient. The second sentence, however, invites the possibility that Sue is only a temporary or circumstantial goal for the act of giving, but not the bride and intended recipient. For example, if Sue is merely a guest at the wedding and Loretta - needed Sues help carrying an armload of wedding gifts, she might give + needed Sueâs help carrying an armload of wedding gifts, she might give a wedding gift to Sue, but that does not mean she would give Sue a wedding gift. This type of iconicity distinguishing a recipient from a directional - goal is an example of what is termed distance iconicity, because - the two linked words are made more distant from each other in + goal is an example of what is termed âdistance iconicity,â because + the two linked words are made more âdistantâ from each other in the sentence as a reflection of their more circumstantial association.
Ithkuil does not display iconicity. While the order of words in an Ithkuil phrase or sentence may coincidentally reflect a temporal or causative @@ -352,21 +352,21 @@ resulting states, and the distinction of recipients from directional goals, no iconicity patterns are required.
For example, we saw in sentences (1) and (2) above how English - and can be used to convey not just mere coordination, but also + âandâ can be used to convey not just mere coordination, but also a sequencing function. In Sections 7.7.3 and 7.7.4, we saw that Ithkuil has no less than thirty-six suffixes (four suffix categories, each with nine different degrees) which convey various coordinative and sequencing patterns with great specificity. Thus, Ithkuil has no morpheme directly equivalent - to the ambiguous English word and. There is an affix corresponding - to and in its use as a mere additive listing device (e.g., pears - and apples and bananas), another corresponding to its use as an indicator - of simultaneity (e.g., I clenched my fists and scowled), another - corresponding to its use as an indicator of additional information (e.g., The - clown likes children and loves to eat), another to its use as an indicator - of parallel description or activity (e.g., We went dancing and so did - they), and yet another as a temporal sequencing indicator (e.g., I - went to the window and looked out).
+ to the ambiguous English word âand.â There is an affix corresponding + to âandâ in its use as a mere additive listing device (e.g., âpears + and apples and bananasâ), another corresponding to its use as an indicator + of simultaneity (e.g., âI clenched my fists and scowledâ), another + corresponding to its use as an indicator of additional information (e.g., âThe + clown likes children and loves to eatâ), another to its use as an indicator + of parallel description or activity (e.g., âWe went dancing and so did + theyâ), and yet another as a temporal sequencing indicator (e.g., âI + went to the window and looked outâ).
The six primary stems of the carrier root (kar, - kur, kir and their Form II counterparts kâr, - kûr, kîr) are respectively associated with animate + kur, kir and their Form II counterparts kĂąr, + kƱr, kĂźr) are respectively associated with animate beings (the two complementary derivatives being humans versus non-humans or figuratively/metaphorically animate entities); inanimate entities (the two complementary derivatives being objectively concrete entities versus subjective entities such @@ -600,11 +600,11 @@
Another use of the carrier root is to emphasize or topicalize a particular affix or grammatical element associated with a word. For example, - in English we can say a big house with extra intonation - on the word big to emphasize that word. To accomplish such emphasis + in English we can say âa big houseâ with extra intonation + on the word âbigâ to emphasize that word. To accomplish such emphasis in Ithkuil, the carrier root is used with the augmentative suffix in conjunction - with the noun house as opposed to simply using the augmentative - suffix on the stem for house. No change in vocal pitch or intonation + with the noun âhouseâ as opposed to simply using the augmentative + suffix on the stem for âhouse.â No change in vocal pitch or intonation is required, as the grammatically unnecessary use of the carrier root serves to accomplish the required emphasis. Any morphological category manifested by a carrier root rather than an adjunct or mutation serves to emphasize that category. @@ -676,7 +676,7 @@